|
Civil Service Reform
Two factors
dominate the history of professional civil service personnel administration:
First, the pursuit of merit; second, the desire for reform. Dating
from the passage of the United States Pendleton Act in 1883, through
the writings of Max Weber, Woodrow Wilson, and Progressive-era reformers
such as Frank Goodnow, and even through the Minnowbrook conference,
the Reagan Administration, and the years of National Performance
Review, the desire to create an apolitical, competent, and efficient
public administration has been premised upon the identification
of the most qualified persons, hired based upon some test for fitness
and granted tenure for life. Even though various forces have come
to challenge exactly how merit is ascertained (use of standardized
tests or other hiring procedures, or balanced with other competing
values such as diversity and representativeness), few have really
questioned the merit principle as a defining value of the civil
service.
Yet, discomfort
with the performance of the civil service has also generated repeated
demands for reform. Often the call has been to make the civil service
more efficient or productive, but demands have also been articulated
for increased responsiveness of tenured civil servants to political
leaders, for improved accountability, ethics, or organizational
and individual performance. To secure these objectives, the scope
of suggested reforms has varied from minor tinkering with pay, through
administrative reorganization, privatization, and the introduction
of market incentives, to a wholesale abandonment of merit and tenure
systems. While demand for reform seems to take on a quadrennial
flavor in the United States—with each new president offering
new reforms and critiques of the federal bureaucracy—similar
demands to improve the civil service are also popular and voiced
around the world.
The Civil Service
Reform Act of 1978 (CSRA 78) was the centerpiece of President Jimmy
Carter’s efforts to revamp the American civil service. It
called for major shakeups in staffing and organizing the federal
service, a new compensation system, and a new level of careerists
known as the Senior Executive Service (SES). Both sought to improve
merit. Other nations around the world have also undertaken efforts
in the last quarter century to reform some aspect of the civil service.
What these reforms have accomplished and produced is the subject
of three recent books.
The edited volume
by Pfiffner and Brook is a collection of essays commemorating the
twentieth anniversary of the CSRA 78. The book brings together a
reappraisal of this reform, as well as speculation on the future
of merit and government in a multicultural and global world. Rahman’s
work is a United Nations sponsored project, providing a more global
view on civil service reform that searches for commonalities among
strategies and lessons to be learned. Condrey and Maranto call for
abandonment of the merit system and a return to spoils as the organizing
principle guiding the civil service. Taken together, these books
offer complementary and occasionally contrasting assessments of
the state of civil service reform and merit.
Pfiffner
and Brook: American Reform at the Close of the Twentieth Century
James Pfiffner’s
opening essay provides a context for CSRA 78 as the end of a long
period of civil service reform commencing with the Pendleton Act.
Through the Progressive Era and into the 1960s—the golden
age of merit according to the author—an increasing percentage
of the federal service was classified. Confidence in the government’s
ability to solve problems culminated in the Great Society, but the
failures of Vietnam and the economic recessions of the 1970s cast
a pall upon that faith. Nixon, deficit politics, and Watergate undermined
the consensus that government was good, and encouraged antigovernment
sentiments.
Dwight Ink,
a Carter appointee who helped design CSRA 78, claims that the red
tape of government was undermining merit. He describes the philosophy
of the act: no one has a claim to a government job, those jobs belong
to the people, and the people have a right to an effective government
free from spoils, discrimination, and incompetence. CSRA 78 was
to enhance accountability and pursuit of these other goals by streamlining
personnel policies, decentralizing some processes, and centralizing
others, replacing the Civil Service Commission with the Merit Service
Protection Board and the Federal Labor Relations Authority, enhancing
workforce planning, developing better training, instituting merit
compensation and probationary periods for new managers, and creating
a Senior Executive Service (SES) for top level executives. All were
ambitious goals, and Ink notes that the Office of Personnel Management
was supposed to take a central role in its implementation, yet it
did not. Other important components of CSRA 78 similarly did not
pan out.
Carolyn Ban
examines CSRA 78 through the lens of National Performance Review
(NPR). She sees the former as having a mixed legacy in terms of
personnel management reforms, and says both initiatives are part
of an ongoing cycle of reforms that have borrowed from the private
sector and other countries. Ban, Joel Aberbach, and Bert Rockman
see mixed results in the creation of the SES. They surveyed careerists
and political appointees, finding the former expressed concern about
pay, evaluation, and the political use of transfers.
Part two of
the book turns to government performance and measurement. Patricia
Ingraham and Donald Moynihan explore the changing notions of performance
initiated by CSRA 78 and subsequent reforms. While in 1978 performance
issues were examined at the individual level, by 1998 and the NPR,
it had shifted to the organizational level. Similarly, Hal Rainey
and Edward Kellough explore the many characteristics of high performance
government agencies, focusing on the organization’s mission,
leadership, and work environment. Barbara Romzek dissects the notion
of accountability, asking to whom one is accountable, why, and what
behavior is expected. These three chapters provide sophisticated
analyses of what it means to be accountable and productive, stressing
that the terms have layered meanings.
Finally, the
book concludes with chapters by Mark Huddleston, Chester Newland,
and Hugh Heclo. Globalization challenges the administrative state
and Newland argues that in a globalized world its job may be simply
to facilitate market transactions. How will public administrators
respond to global forces they cannot control? Globalization raises
issues of accountability and governance; for example who is the
public that a public administrator must serve? Finally, challenges
from unions and interest groups and the need to diversify the workforce
also raise questions about whether merit, as traditionally understood,
will remain.
Rahman:
Global Lessons
Reforming
the Civil Service for Government Performance carefully examines
government performance by distinguishing among three types of reform—civil
service, administrative, and governance. Civil service reform refers
to the strengthening of the administrative capacity of the government
to perform core functions and to serve the social and economic needs
of the public. Administrative reform addresses the rationalizing
of the structures of government, such as the coordination and improvement
of delivery services. Governance reform addresses improvements in
the legal and policy framework—such as improved accountability
and transparency.
Rahman explores
these three levels of reform through four successive chapters that
discuss structural, program, performance, and process-orientated
issues. Each chapter also highlights a particular country embodying
the types of reforms discussed in that issue area. Structural issues
in chapter two address the size and structure of the government,
including issues such as shrinking the civil service because of
debt problems. Also included are examinations of how to ensure political
neutrality of civil servants and how to develop decision-making
loops. Malaysia is highlighted here. From its independence in 1957
it has adopted numerous reforms of the civil service, including
total quality management, performance measures, and training to
foster a better government that is equipped to work with the private
sector on economic development. Critical to Malaysia’s success
was enlisting private-sector support.
Argentina is
highlighted in chapter three. Programmatic issues addressed include
strengthening the actual personnel of the civil service. Argentina,
under President Menem, undertook significant reform of the civil
service, including unloading state enterprises, changing pay structure,
addressing corruption, and improving management capacities as part
of a program to overhaul the economy. The lesson here is that persistence
and political will matters.
After many years
of civil war, Uganda lacked the capacity to operate a government
that could deliver. So, it commenced many performance and results-orientated
processes that sought to create specific goals for government agencies,
and which also specified means and systems needed to achieve those
ends. Yet these changes were not instigated by outside donors, but
were indigenous and, therefore, garnered the necessary backing required
for success.
Finally, the
chapter on Poland highlights the problems of many former eastern
European countries—bloated and out-of-date bureaucracies that
need to change to support capitalist economics. Yet changing old
habits is hard. Poland is presented as somewhat of a success story
in changing basic decision-making processes. Here, the lesson of
reform is it is necessary to invest key stakeholders and get them
involved in setting the goals and sustaining reform.
The final chapter
concludes with a lesson regarding what sustains reform and what
does not. Fear of failure, views that reform is boring, and the
intransigence of stakeholders and career civil servants bog down
reform. But civil service, administrative, and governance reform
are critical to economic development, and the chapter develops a
host of suggestions—ranging from creating a stable constitutional
system to developing the correct internal and external partnerships
to sustain changes. While the chapter is thin on details, it does
provide solid comparative lessons.
Condrey
and Maranto: A Return to Spoils
On its face,
the most extensive call for reform is found in Radical Reform
of the Civil Service. Condrey and Maranto define radical reform
of the civil service as ”personnel system reforms that erode
employee tenure or that put decisions regarding promotion, compensation,
and particularly hiring and separation in the hands of public managers
rather than in personnel offices” (3). The book is a collection
of essays built around an article reprinted in this volume that
calls for an abandonment of the merit system. Most of the remaining
essays explore the implications of this proposition.
Chapter four
is the central essay of this book and it, along with chapters five
through nine, are reprinted from the January and March 1998 issues
of Administration and Society. In chapter four, Maranto
articulates an intellectual challenge: The federal merit system
should be abandoned and replaced with the nineteenth century spoils
system. In making this bold claim, the author first notes that federal
workers are not doing a bad job but that they work in a ”severely
suboptimal personnel system”(70). In pressing the case for
a return to spoils, Maranto compares the former system to a merit
system along several dimensions—innovation, corruption, executive
leadership, and representation. Pressing the case for spoils, he
argues it did not have as much turnover or corruption as one might
think. While the modern civil service, as a whole, is quite diverse
and representative, its individual organizations are not, and they
are not as attuned to executive leadership as the spoils system
was. Finally, Maranto argues that other legal and political imperatives
now exist that would protect workers from the excesses of spoils.
Responding,
Robert Durant, Charles Goodsell, Jack Knott, and William Murray
in chapters four through eight respectively, take various exceptions
to the plea to return to spoils. Durant agrees with the claim that
a rapidly changing environment makes the current mode of civil service
and tenure untenable, but he argues for a redefinition of tenure
away from the current emphasis on seniority, compliance with rules,
and functional specialization, and towards performance-based criteria.
Goodsell argues that the nineteenth century spoils depictions that
Maranto offers are neither accurate nor applicable, that he ignores
the emergence of new forms of corruption were we to return to spoils,
that the president would have many incentives to replace far more
workers than Maranto envisions, and that the flexibility produced
by a return to spoils would not necessarily lead to innovation.
Knott contends
that any supposed flaws in the federal government are not the result
of the merit system but of the political choices of the many actors,
both within and outside the government, that have produced all the
rules and procedures that Maranto assails. In comparing the United
States merit system to civil service systems found around the world,
Knott asserts that perhaps it is our separation of powers form of
government (in contrast to a parliamentary system) that produces
many of the alleged inefficiencies. Finally, Murray echoes many
of the earlier concerns and argues that both the federal government
and states have either already implemented or tried many of Maranto’s
suggestions and they are neither radical in terms of the results
achieved nor in being innovative. Murray also criticizes Maranto’s
suggestions for failing to describe what he is seeking to cure or
achieve.
The other set
of interesting essays in this volume examine life after merit or
tenure. Larry Lane and Colleen Woodward describe several federal
agencies that operate outside of the traditional merit system, while
other chapters turn to lessons from state experiments. Stephen Condrey
explores what has happened since Georgia abandoned tenure in1996,
finding that state agencies were unprepared to assume their new
personnel roles and that cronyism and favoritism appear to be returning
to some agencies.
Conclusion:
So What Do We Know about Merit and Reform?
By reading these
three books what do we know about the past, present, and future
of merit and reform? In some ways, there are few surprises that
emerge. The Pfiffner and Brook’s volume reminds readers that
the concept of merit has changed dramatically from the days of Weber
and that changes in governance and the economy will continue to
challenge the concept. CSRA 78 was not all it was cracked up to
be—merely one of many reforms offered by presidents. Not a
surprise, reform is difficult to predict, and more complex and nuanced
than is generally realized.
Rahman also
offers few surprises, but his careful distinctions are subtle and
significant and the case studies instructive. Placing the United
States within a broader context of reforms at many levels over the
last 20–30 years reveals that we are neither better nor worse
in effecting change than other states.
Finally, Condrey
and Maranto seek to present a case that the current tenure system
does not work and that spoils was not so bad. However, little evidence
is given to support either proposition; instead, we are left unclear
regarding what radical reform will achieve.
Personnel systems
do ossify and need change. One lesson of these three books is that
the constant change in personnel systems in the United States and
elsewhere is an indication that they have adapted significantly
to changing political environments. Moreover, any evaluation of
how the civil service system operates needs to include careful comparison
to its alternatives. For example, even in the private sector, personnel
departments are increasingly taking control of employment decisions
to avoid litigation. James Q. Wilson’s Bureaucracy: What
Government Agencies Do and Why They Do It questioned whether
the private sector was more inefficient than similar public-sector
agencies, given the multiple goals and political purposes the latter
must perform. Finally, examination of publicly-owned utilities and
hospitals, as well as recent studies of private versus public prisons
provide evidence that perhaps the current government personnel systems
may not be as suboptimal as their critics contend.
The real challenges
in calling for civil service reform are carefully defining the goals,
taking sufficient account of the environmental context, and learning
from the lessons of the past. In that regard, the books reviewed
here provide valuable assistance.
|