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Review of:

Divided West: European Security and the Transatlantic Relationship by Tuomas Forsberg, Graeme P. Herd
Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 2006
Pages: 200. $84.95

Reviewed By: Johan Eliasson
Reviewed in: International Studies Review
Date accepted online: 10/04/2008
Published in print: Volume 09, Issue 02, Pages 272-274
See all reviews for this journal

Surviving Turbulence in Transatlantic Relations

Policymakers and scholars alike generally agree that European-US relations are changing. However, it is unclear whether recent conflicts over military intervention and trade policies have led to irreconcilable differences in transatlantic relations that will overwhelm longstanding and deep social, cultural, economic, and political ties. Depending on one's professional occupation or ideological perspective, the answer can be "yes," "no," or "maybe."

In Divided West: European Security and the Transatlantic Relationship, Tuomas Forsberg and Graeme Herd-two scholars with extensive knowledge of European integration and US-European relations-provide an incisive yet thought provoking analysis of recent developments. Europe and the United States, they argue, are engaged in neither a strategic realignment nor a divorce. Rather, recent disagreements represent a "constructive strategic dissonance" in which seeming instability, half-way policy approaches, and half-cocked military operations coexist with continuous, and strategically coherent, interest-based policies (pp. 2ff). Forsberg and Herd identify five different "Europes:" Core Europe (Germany and supportive continental states), Atlantic Europe (predominantly Britain, but also Denmark, the Netherlands, and Portugal), Non-Aligned Europe (Austria, Ireland, Finland, and Sweden), New Europe (the ten states that joined the European Union in 2004), and Periphery Europe (Russia, Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine). They then examine the objectives and policy preferences of each of these Europes within a changing transatlantic relationship.

In their quest to "systematize and deepen our understanding of different explanations given to the crisis in transatlantic relations in the hope that 'nothing is as practical as a good theory"' (p. 17), Forsberg and Herd cite ample empirical evidence to present and explain the dominant schools of thought: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The effort is admirable given that many academic texts tend to be overly theoretical and short on empirical evidence. It is also useful given that much policy writing falls short on holistic explanations and generalizable inferences. Chapter 2 can serve as a stand-alone introduction for any introductory international relations course.

The chapter on "Atlanticist Europe" focuses on the historic "special relationship" between the United Kingdom and the United States. Intriguingly, it shows that Tony Blair's personal friendships with Bill Clinton and George Bush and British support for the Iraq war have failed to halt Britain's diminishing clout in Washington. Britain is now said to be drawing the short end of the partnership stick, and, given a more assertive European Union, "the UK's role as Transatlantic broker will become more ambiguous and pivotal, and the risks of becoming a continual casualty in transatlantic traffic will only increase" (p. 51). Yet, Forsberg and Herd's gloomy assessment tends to overshadow many positive developments stemming from the establishment of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), through which a regenerated relationship may be slowly emerging. Reversing 50 years of British opposition to any development threatening their "special relationship" or posing a threat to NATO's position in Europe, Blair initiated the European Security and Defense Policy in order to strengthen transatlantic ties, including NATO, while enhancing the European Union's regional and global stature. The long-term effects of a US failure in Iraq may be to spur greater defense integration within the European Union, coupled with renewed transatlantic cooperation. NATO-EU cooperation is already ongoing in such places as Kosovo and Afghanistan.

The discussion on "Core Europe" centers around German-US relations, focusing primarily on the relationship between President Bush and Chancellor Schröder. The latter's antiwar rhetoric and personal attacks during the 2002 reelection campaign clearly soured relations. Bilateral relations have since improved, particularly following Merkel's ascendance to the chancellorship. Yet, as Forsberg and Herd correctly observe, Germany's newfound role as a "normal" power, keen on asserting its own interests and unapologetically confident in executing its policies, has fundamentally altered German-US relations, mostly for the positive. Commensurate with its economic and political clout, Germany is rising above its role as an engine of EU integration to become an influential transatlantic player in its own right-on economic as well as security issues (p. 67).

Despite bilateral tousles, neither anti-US sentiments nor pacifism dominate post-September 11 Germany. German opposition to the US-led war in Iraq was anchored predominantly in distrust of the Bush Administration (p. 66). The latter observation applies to most European Union countries and is recognized in the subsequent chapter on "new Europe," which illustrates (at times implicitly) how the 2004 accession states have aligned their security and defense interests predominantly with EU states and the European Security and Defense Policy rather than cloaking themselves in a NATO or US-centric approach (see, for example, pp. 76-78, 85).

Concentrating on Finland and Sweden in the chapter on nonaligned states, Forsberg and Herd largely confirm existing research. Having experienced an extensive period of socialization in various EU institutions, in particular the bodies associated with the European Security and Defense Policy since 2000, the security policies of these states reflect their membership in an organization capable of autonomous action independent of any UN resolution (see, for example, Eliasson 2004). Both countries contribute to the European Security and Defense Policy and to NATO's Partnership for Peace, finding it inconceivable to remain neutral in a conflict involving any EU or NATO member. Forsberg and Herd also recognize that both states have largely aligned their foreign policy positions with the major continental states (p. 100).

The chapter on Russian relations with the European Union and the United States shows how common interests (for example, energy and counter-terrorism) more than shared values (for example, democracy) are likely to result in strategic and issue-specific partnerships rather than a formal institutionalized relationship.

Although Forsberg and Herd seek to provide a sophisticated analysis and understanding of transatlantic relations, the gap between the core assumptions of the theories they employ and the empirical developments they describe is often too wide to enable them to articulate any useful generalizations. The problems in the transatlantic relationship are perhaps also more transitory than Forsberg and Herd acknowledge, evidenced in their frequently implied, sometimes explicit, emphasis on the role of individuals as the source of enmity and conciliation (see, for example, pp. 49, 67, 138). Renewed support in Washington for multilateralism also implies that institutions endure and do matter, just as liberalism would suggest. Yet, Divided West brings us one step closer to a desirable level of theoretical eclecticism (see, for example, Rosamond 2000) by elucidating the nuanced historical, political, and geographical variables required to construct a theoretical framework capable of explaining the strength and scope of a multinational relationship.

It remains too early to tell whether a "strategic cognitive dissonance" is becoming solidified in transatlantic relations. Tactical differences have always existed, as have strategic choices in different policy areas. Forsberg and Herd's story tends to underestimate the possible emergence of a "strategic realignment." After all, "the duty of friends is not just to agree with everything, but to say: we disagree on this point" (p. 61). External shocks and threats from common enemies have solidified transatlantic bonds before (for example, the Cold War, Iraq's 1990 adventure, Kosovo, the September 11 attacks, and Afghanistan), and they may do so in the future. Developments in Russia may well serve to solidify European perspectives (pp. 127ff)-a prospect accentuated by Vladimir Putins' recent clandestine threats against the United States and Europe. Likewise, terrorist activities throughout northern Africa and Asia are potential seeds of disaster, and cooperative transatlantic counterterrorism efforts show signs of uniting rather than dividing the two continents.

In correctly emphasizing NATO's development as a major influence on transatlantic relations (pp. 128ff), Forsberg and Herd echo European and US observers (Schmidt 2007) and admit that "the transatlantic crisis ...will be overcome through action not rhetoric .... Looking beneath the rhetoric, there is some evidence to suggest that the will to overcome the crisis exists" (p. 6). This will is essential to prosperity and stability in both Europe and the United States. The degree to which economic interdependence and the organizational overlap that unites the United States and Europe has become institutionalized, reinforced by the many shared European and transatlantic goals, should prove invaluable in avoiding a deep and permanent transatlantic divide.

Given its wealth of information and novel methodological approach, Divided West deserves a wide readership. Students and scholars will appreciate Forsberg and Herd's nuanced perspective and their attempt to bring theoretical clarity to the complex transatlantic security relationship. With the exception of Chapter 2, the interested public should also benefit from this brief, but factually rich, discussion of what is arguably the strongest and most important relationship in contemporary world affairs.